From Gun Ownership to CeCe McDonald
The discourse around gender and race identities is always fascinating to study. Last year, I took a race and gender in media class as one of my elective courses. This class shows how media depict race and gender to their audience and audiences' reactions to the depiction. Acknowledging that media does not do an excellent job of portraying this issue, as Sloop, Fisher, and Kelly argue in their books, is a hard pill to swallow for media scholars. Therefore, after summarizing race and gender discussion as a response to the second theory blog post, I will provide a suggestion on how journalists should handle these topics.
Referring to the open carry gun movement in chapter 4, Kelly's main idea is to explain white masculinity by connecting the white male body and weapon as their extended power (106). Kelly uses a gun as an analogy for a white male body and signifies the use of the gun as male sexual intercourse. Kelly also mentions, “the display of guns in public helps organize worshipfulness, adherence, and obedience to white male authority” that makes me remember the history of Slave Codes (107). Before the end of Civil War, according to Ekwall, Slave Code is a prohibition of owning guns by slaves (1). After the Civil War, the government changed the code name from Slave Code to Black Code with the same intention to ban black people—now freeman—from owning guns. Thus, gun control shows long history of racial discrimination in the United States.
Gun ownership is always a subject of political debate for Americans. A study from Schaeffer from Pew Research Center shows that about four-in-ten men say they personally own a gun, and the majority of gun ownership is white people. The state of Montana, which the majority of population is white, has the highest gun ownership rate (Learish and Fieldstadt, 2020). Moreover, Schaeffer also claims that personal protection is a major reason for people own guns. It is in line with Kelly's opinion that gun owners believe that as a white male, they are more vulnerable than other marginalized groups because they have zero extra protection compared to other minority groups (111).
The fascinating part of this chapter, based on my opinion, is where Kelly describes phallic panic as a white men position in the public sphere is shifted by the presence of women (120). It seems like white men have not ready to share their space with women. Related to that, I interpret Kelly's example of Watkins as a man's saving face. In order to save his face, Watkins needs to carry something masculine enough, like a rifle, to show others his manhood when shopping, which is usually counted as a female's activity.
Although the main idea is to show decent examples of power embodiment in the white male body, I am more interested in the process of creating white masculinity through images. A study by Abraham and Appiah found that news media can perpetuate stereotypes in smooth and highly effective ways (195). The pictures in Kelly's book show how media is extending the idea of white masculinity by showing white males with a Rifle shaking hands, having a conversation with a white police officer, or walking around with a rifle in a public space, which constructs "fear" to their audience.
Another great example of white masculinity in Kelly's book is former president Donald Trump's political communication (131). Through the lens of rhetorical study, Kelly argues that Trump's speaking style is hypermasculine because he swaggers and exaggerates his personal achievements; he always put himself as a winner and others as losers as well as humiliates others without even think others' feelings (137). He also shows "domination, control, and violence" towards other groups, such as immigrants, Chinese people due to COVID-19, LGBTQ+, or even the press (151).
Furthermore, Kelly's book was published in 2020, a year or less before the Capitol Attack in January 2021. I was walking around the Capitol when the riot started that afternoon on January 6. I witnessed how Trump's supporters, the majority of them are white men, were marching for him from the White House to the Capitol. Some even brought flags, like the God, Guns, and Guts flag, the yellow Gadsden flag, and the Blue Lives Matters flag. As I understand, these flags are symbols of pro-white masculinity. As an international student, reading Kelly's explanation without encountering the riot experience makes me confused with the white masculinity in Trump's politics. However, experiencing the riot helps me grasping Kelly's arguments about Trumps' white masculinity and its effect on the white male embodiment. I provide a video that I created after the riot.
Shifting to another example of white masculinity, Fischer (85) explains the case study of CeCe McDonald, the African American transwoman who was accused of murder for killing a white male, to show how transgender individuals are often treated unjustly, especially in media. McDonald's case is thought-provoking for people since the incident deals with her race, and sexual orientation, transphobia, transmisogyny, and homophobia from others (86). Although McDonald was acting in doing self-defense that caused Schmitz's death, the media and Minnesota state reinforced the idea of protection of whiteness by rejecting this fact. In addition, the media seems to fetishize and dehumanize McDonald's transgender identity. Like The Minneapolis Star Tribune, media continuously misgendered McDonald even though after her self-identification as a woman. The City Pages even actively describe trans people as "impulsive, inherently violent, and unpredictable bombs" to recreate the discourse of trans people through McDonald's case (92).
In terms of media discussion, Fischer caught my attention when she wrote, "studies show that crime coverage in news media disproportionately highlights the ethnicity of a predator if the offender belongs to a racial minority" (94). Research from TIME'S UP Organization seems to extend this idea, since it shows that media coverage of the announcement of vice president candidate Kamala Harris in 2020 primarily focuses on her gender and racial ethnicity, overshadowing her professional background and achievements ("Vice Presidential Announcement Media Analysis"). This research broadens Fischer's idea that whenever women or trans people of color are being cover by media, they are the center of sexism and racism double standard in society.
On the other hand, discussing media covering LGBTQ+ group can also be seen in Brandon Teena's murder (Sloop 50). Brandon Teena, an American transman, was murdered by two white men five 5 days after being raped. Conversations about queer theory rise around McDonald and Brandon's cases. Dictionary of Critical Theory explains the queer theory as a classic expression of homophobia, which means there is an oppressive power of dominant norms related to how gender is supposed to be performed in society (Macey). In addition, Brandon's murder was also surrounded by conversations about sex as genitalia and gender construction since lots of media describe Brandon as a woman who performs as a man, or what I would refer to as the performance of gender fluidity. Interestingly, the media reinforced the idea of Brandon as a liar because of his gender fluidity. Gender fluidity, according to Davis (101), is freedom and individual choice of performing gender without any boundaries. Brandon's conversation with a police officer after being raped acknowledges that he is experiencing a sexual identity crisis because of his gender fluidity. Once again, the media failed to recognize trans people's rights to be known as who they are. Thus, why would this happen, and what should the media do?
To answer this rhetorical question, I would argue that lack of diversity in the newsroom is the main reason these problems occur. According to research by Grieco (pewresearchcenter.org), about six in ten employees in the newsroom are men, and only 23% of the employees are people of color. Lack of diversity in journalism cause journalists miss out certain point of views or misunderstand the topics they might not become familiar. On the other hand, to prevent this problem, a standard style guide for LGBTQ+ terminology is needed to deal with their pronouns and rights. Hopefully, by doing this, the media could do better in terms of covering LGBTQ+ issues.
Referring to the open carry gun movement in chapter 4, Kelly's main idea is to explain white masculinity by connecting the white male body and weapon as their extended power (106). Kelly uses a gun as an analogy for a white male body and signifies the use of the gun as male sexual intercourse. Kelly also mentions, “the display of guns in public helps organize worshipfulness, adherence, and obedience to white male authority” that makes me remember the history of Slave Codes (107). Before the end of Civil War, according to Ekwall, Slave Code is a prohibition of owning guns by slaves (1). After the Civil War, the government changed the code name from Slave Code to Black Code with the same intention to ban black people—now freeman—from owning guns. Thus, gun control shows long history of racial discrimination in the United States.
Gun ownership is always a subject of political debate for Americans. A study from Schaeffer from Pew Research Center shows that about four-in-ten men say they personally own a gun, and the majority of gun ownership is white people. The state of Montana, which the majority of population is white, has the highest gun ownership rate (Learish and Fieldstadt, 2020). Moreover, Schaeffer also claims that personal protection is a major reason for people own guns. It is in line with Kelly's opinion that gun owners believe that as a white male, they are more vulnerable than other marginalized groups because they have zero extra protection compared to other minority groups (111).
The fascinating part of this chapter, based on my opinion, is where Kelly describes phallic panic as a white men position in the public sphere is shifted by the presence of women (120). It seems like white men have not ready to share their space with women. Related to that, I interpret Kelly's example of Watkins as a man's saving face. In order to save his face, Watkins needs to carry something masculine enough, like a rifle, to show others his manhood when shopping, which is usually counted as a female's activity.
Although the main idea is to show decent examples of power embodiment in the white male body, I am more interested in the process of creating white masculinity through images. A study by Abraham and Appiah found that news media can perpetuate stereotypes in smooth and highly effective ways (195). The pictures in Kelly's book show how media is extending the idea of white masculinity by showing white males with a Rifle shaking hands, having a conversation with a white police officer, or walking around with a rifle in a public space, which constructs "fear" to their audience.
Another great example of white masculinity in Kelly's book is former president Donald Trump's political communication (131). Through the lens of rhetorical study, Kelly argues that Trump's speaking style is hypermasculine because he swaggers and exaggerates his personal achievements; he always put himself as a winner and others as losers as well as humiliates others without even think others' feelings (137). He also shows "domination, control, and violence" towards other groups, such as immigrants, Chinese people due to COVID-19, LGBTQ+, or even the press (151).
Furthermore, Kelly's book was published in 2020, a year or less before the Capitol Attack in January 2021. I was walking around the Capitol when the riot started that afternoon on January 6. I witnessed how Trump's supporters, the majority of them are white men, were marching for him from the White House to the Capitol. Some even brought flags, like the God, Guns, and Guts flag, the yellow Gadsden flag, and the Blue Lives Matters flag. As I understand, these flags are symbols of pro-white masculinity. As an international student, reading Kelly's explanation without encountering the riot experience makes me confused with the white masculinity in Trump's politics. However, experiencing the riot helps me grasping Kelly's arguments about Trumps' white masculinity and its effect on the white male embodiment. I provide a video that I created after the riot.
Shifting to another example of white masculinity, Fischer (85) explains the case study of CeCe McDonald, the African American transwoman who was accused of murder for killing a white male, to show how transgender individuals are often treated unjustly, especially in media. McDonald's case is thought-provoking for people since the incident deals with her race, and sexual orientation, transphobia, transmisogyny, and homophobia from others (86). Although McDonald was acting in doing self-defense that caused Schmitz's death, the media and Minnesota state reinforced the idea of protection of whiteness by rejecting this fact. In addition, the media seems to fetishize and dehumanize McDonald's transgender identity. Like The Minneapolis Star Tribune, media continuously misgendered McDonald even though after her self-identification as a woman. The City Pages even actively describe trans people as "impulsive, inherently violent, and unpredictable bombs" to recreate the discourse of trans people through McDonald's case (92).
In terms of media discussion, Fischer caught my attention when she wrote, "studies show that crime coverage in news media disproportionately highlights the ethnicity of a predator if the offender belongs to a racial minority" (94). Research from TIME'S UP Organization seems to extend this idea, since it shows that media coverage of the announcement of vice president candidate Kamala Harris in 2020 primarily focuses on her gender and racial ethnicity, overshadowing her professional background and achievements ("Vice Presidential Announcement Media Analysis"). This research broadens Fischer's idea that whenever women or trans people of color are being cover by media, they are the center of sexism and racism double standard in society.
On the other hand, discussing media covering LGBTQ+ group can also be seen in Brandon Teena's murder (Sloop 50). Brandon Teena, an American transman, was murdered by two white men five 5 days after being raped. Conversations about queer theory rise around McDonald and Brandon's cases. Dictionary of Critical Theory explains the queer theory as a classic expression of homophobia, which means there is an oppressive power of dominant norms related to how gender is supposed to be performed in society (Macey). In addition, Brandon's murder was also surrounded by conversations about sex as genitalia and gender construction since lots of media describe Brandon as a woman who performs as a man, or what I would refer to as the performance of gender fluidity. Interestingly, the media reinforced the idea of Brandon as a liar because of his gender fluidity. Gender fluidity, according to Davis (101), is freedom and individual choice of performing gender without any boundaries. Brandon's conversation with a police officer after being raped acknowledges that he is experiencing a sexual identity crisis because of his gender fluidity. Once again, the media failed to recognize trans people's rights to be known as who they are. Thus, why would this happen, and what should the media do?
To answer this rhetorical question, I would argue that lack of diversity in the newsroom is the main reason these problems occur. According to research by Grieco (pewresearchcenter.org), about six in ten employees in the newsroom are men, and only 23% of the employees are people of color. Lack of diversity in journalism cause journalists miss out certain point of views or misunderstand the topics they might not become familiar. On the other hand, to prevent this problem, a standard style guide for LGBTQ+ terminology is needed to deal with their pronouns and rights. Hopefully, by doing this, the media could do better in terms of covering LGBTQ+ issues.
References:
“Vice Presidential Announcement Media Analysis.” TIME'S UP Now, 28 June 2021, https://timesupnow.org/work/we-have-her-back/vice-presidential-announcement-media-analysis/?ms=whhb-vpreport&utm_source=whhb-vpreport&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=whhb.
Abraham, Linus, and Osei Appiah. “Framing News Stories: The Role of Visual Imagery in Priming Racial Stereotypes.” Howard Journal of Communications, vol. 17, no. 3, 2006, pp. 183–203.
Davis, Erin C. “Situating ‘Fluidity’: (Trans) Gender Identification and the Regulation of Gender Diversity.” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies, vol. 15, no. 1, 2009, pp. 97–130.
Ekwall, Steve. “The Racist Origins of US Gun Control”. Sedgwick County Media, https://www.sedgwickcounty.org/media/29093/the-racist-origins-of-us-gun-control.pdf
Fischer, Mia. Terrorizing Gender: Transgender Visibility and the Surveillance Practices of the U.S. Security State. University of Nebraska Press. 2019.
Grieco, Elizabeth. “Newsroom Employees Are Less Diverse than U.S. Workers Overall.” Pew Research Center, 30 May 2020, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/11/02/newsroom-employees-are-less-diverse-than-u-s-workers-overall/.
Kelly, Casey Ryan. Apocalypse Man: The Death Drive and the Rhetoric of White Masculine Victimhood. Ohio State University Press. 2020.
Learish, Jessica & Fieldstadt, Elisha. “Gun Ownership by State.” CBS News, 23 July 2020, https://www.cbsnews.com/pictures/gun-ownership-rates-by-state/
Macey, David. The Penguin Dictionary of Critical Theory. London, Penguin Books, 2000.
Schaeffer, Katherine. “Key Facts about Americans and Guns.” Pew Research Center, 13 Sept. 2021, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/09/13/key-facts-about-americans-and-guns/.
Sloop, John. Disciplining Gender: Rhetoric of Sex Identity in Contemporary U.S. Culture. University of Massachusetts Press, 2004.
Abraham, Linus, and Osei Appiah. “Framing News Stories: The Role of Visual Imagery in Priming Racial Stereotypes.” Howard Journal of Communications, vol. 17, no. 3, 2006, pp. 183–203.
Davis, Erin C. “Situating ‘Fluidity’: (Trans) Gender Identification and the Regulation of Gender Diversity.” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies, vol. 15, no. 1, 2009, pp. 97–130.
Ekwall, Steve. “The Racist Origins of US Gun Control”. Sedgwick County Media, https://www.sedgwickcounty.org/media/29093/the-racist-origins-of-us-gun-control.pdf
Fischer, Mia. Terrorizing Gender: Transgender Visibility and the Surveillance Practices of the U.S. Security State. University of Nebraska Press. 2019.
Grieco, Elizabeth. “Newsroom Employees Are Less Diverse than U.S. Workers Overall.” Pew Research Center, 30 May 2020, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/11/02/newsroom-employees-are-less-diverse-than-u-s-workers-overall/.
Kelly, Casey Ryan. Apocalypse Man: The Death Drive and the Rhetoric of White Masculine Victimhood. Ohio State University Press. 2020.
Learish, Jessica & Fieldstadt, Elisha. “Gun Ownership by State.” CBS News, 23 July 2020, https://www.cbsnews.com/pictures/gun-ownership-rates-by-state/
Macey, David. The Penguin Dictionary of Critical Theory. London, Penguin Books, 2000.
Schaeffer, Katherine. “Key Facts about Americans and Guns.” Pew Research Center, 13 Sept. 2021, https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/09/13/key-facts-about-americans-and-guns/.
Sloop, John. Disciplining Gender: Rhetoric of Sex Identity in Contemporary U.S. Culture. University of Massachusetts Press, 2004.